Tuesday, December 30, 2008

Genealogy as a Field of History

Since just before my son was born in October 2007, I have been researching the genealogy of our family. It has been quite interesting to uncover the stories of family members and I enjoy looking through all the records to find just the piece of the puzzle I am missing. Through it all, our family tree has grown to include almost 600 people and it can be traced back to Germany, Ireland, Italy, Scotland, and Switzerland. One of our relatives was born of Irish parents in the Congo in the middle of Africa. Our tree currently traces back to the late 1500s / early 1600s.

What surprises me about the field of genealogy is that it is not more prominently advanced by historians. Genealogy may center on family heritage and tradition, but much can be learned from the field. Genealogical research is not just about filling in the missing links between generations. It shows migratory patterns, includes personal accounts of historical events and utilizes masses of public records including censuses, military records, land deeds & titles, and cemetery records. One can learn a great deal about history just from researching their family lineage.

To become a professional genealogist, one must pass rigorous exams given by the certifying institution and prove the ability to accurately research a family lineage. Yet, one must undertake a study of genealogy on their own. Not a single major university or college offers course work to prepare for a career as a genealogist. I find this truly amazing and I would advocate the need for a more formalized program at the postgraduate level. Maybe after I earn my PhD and begin teaching at a university, I will be able to help establish a formal program somewhere. Until then, genealogists will just have to rely on their own research abilities and forge a community amongst themselves.

Tuesday, December 23, 2008

MIS-story: Washington was the First President of the United States

This blog posting is NOT an attempt to validate the claims of many websites proclaiming various Presidents of Congress as the first President of the United States. It is based on factual information surrounding Washington's inauguration and the Constitution of the United States which officially established the office of the President of the United States.

If you ask any American who was the first President of the United States, the likely answer will be "George Washington, you idiot!" However, Washington's position as the first President of the United States is not entirely factual.

Many websites will claim that at least eight others served as President of the United States prior to George Washington. These claims are all false for two reasons. First, the so called other eight "Presidents" were actually Presidents of the Congress. The roles and responsibilities of the President of Congress were not the same as that of the President of the Untied States. Secondly, many of these same "Presidents" held the office of President of Congress prior to the United States' official existence. This eliminates patriots such as Peyton Randolph, John Hancock, John Hanson, Elias Boudinot, and Cyrus Griffin from being considered the first "President of the United States", but it does not mean that Washington was the first to serve in that capacity.

If one looks at the first formation of a "national" government in what is now the United States of America, they could argue that Peyton Randolph, the first President of the First Continental Congress, was actually the first President of the United States. However, the "United States" was not a nation at the time and did not officially exist.

On July 4, 1776, the "United States" declared its independence from Great Britain. At that time, John Hancock was the presiding officer, or "President", over the Second Continental Congress. One could argue that Hancock was therefore the first President of the United States and support the argument with the fact that General George Washington addressed his letters to Hancock as "the President of the United States" during that time. However, declaring independence and securing independence are two different monsters. If the "United States" had failed, there would be no President of the United States because America would remain subjects of the British Crown (like Canada). The United States did not actually secure independence for another 7 years until the signing of the Treaty of Paris on September 3, 1783.

In the meantime, the Continental Congress passed the Articles of Confederation, the first attempt to form a government of the United States. John Hanson was the "President of these United States Assembled" when the Articles of Confederation were drawn up and ratified, but technically, he still was no more than the President of the Congress. The Articles of Confederation did not authorize or establish an executive branch of government and the executive office of "President of the United States" did not exist. Futhermore, although the "United States" was operating under the Articles of Confederation, the "United States" still did not officially exist. The Battle of Yorktown (1781) is considered the unoffical end of the American Revolution. However, the Treaty of Paris, which was signed September 3, 1783 is the OFFICIAL end of the American Revolution and the OFFICIAL beginning of an independent United States.

On September 3, 1783 when the Treaty of Paris officially created the United States, Elias Boudinot was serving as the President of Congress. Some could use this fact to argue that Boudinot was the first President of the United States, except as previously noted, the Articles of Confederation did not establish or authorize the office of "President" and serving as President of Congress is not the same as serving as President of the United States. Again, the roles and responsibilities of the two positions were very different.

The office of the President of the United States was not established until the ratification of The Constitution of the United States. The Constitution of the United States was ratified on June 21, 1788. Upon ratification, the office of the President officially existed. Elections were held from December 1788 to January 1789. In the time between the ratification of The Constitution of the United States and the Presidential elections, Cyrus Griffin held the office of President of Congress, but again, not the same as holding the office of President of the United States.

George Washington was won the Presidental election of 1788-89. He is the first popularly elected President of the United States, however, he was not the first to assume that office. Washington received the news of his election sometime around the middle of April 1789. On the 16th of April, Washington began his journey to the the nation's capital in New York City. He arrived on April 23, 1789, yet he waited a week to be sworn into office while Congress debated on the exact title of his new office. George Washington was sworn into office on April 30, 1789 at the first presidential inauguration. However, John Adams, Washington's elected Vice-President had arrived in New York City much earlier. Vice-President Adams was sworn into office on April 21, 1789, two days before Washington even arrived in New York. Under the terms of The Constitution of the United States, the Vice-President is to assume the duties of the executive in the absence of the executive. Thus, John Adams served in the capacity of President of the United States before George Washington, even if for only a few days.

Tuesday, December 16, 2008

W. Bruce Lincoln, Nicholas I: Emperor and Autocrat of All the Russias, (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1989) - Book Review

For this week's post, I would like to offer a review of W. Bruce Lincoln's book, Nicholas I: Emperor and Autocrat of all the Russias. The review is not timely as the book has been in print for a number of years (almost 20), but I have just recently read the book and thought I would share my opinions of the work.

Unlike other historians, who portray Nicholas I as an oppressive tyrant, W. Bruce Lincoln portrays the Russian emperor as a man bound by his convictions and love for his subjects. His biography of Nicholas I, Nicholas I: Emperor and Autocrat of All the Russias, is a somewhat sympathetic study of the emperor who, as Lincoln claims, led Russia through its “Golden Age”. Using more secondary sources than primary ones, Lincoln attempts to validate the reign of Nicholas I and justify the autocracy under which Nicholas reigned. Although he finds some success in his objective, in the end the author fails to fully convince his readers of Nicholas’ sincerity and intentions for Russia. Failure to convince his readers results from two faults in Lincoln’s writing. First, Lincoln uses contradictory statements on occasion, which weaken the author’s credibility. As an example, Lincoln claims that Nicholas was lenient with intellectuals who opposed him, yet at the same time Lincoln illustrates the oppressiveness of the “Nicholas System” against those same intellectuals (chapter 7). Secondly, Lincoln’s repetitive statements and twice-used quotes are distracting and fail to drive the author’s point home. Rather, these statements seem a lack of effort to provide stronger evidence and could account for the author’s failure to achieve complete success. Lincoln would do well to supplement his statements with new information and thus advance his narrative better than he has.

To begin his narrative of Nicholas I, Lincoln presents an extensive look at the reign of Nicholas’ brother and predecessor, Alexander I. This study of Alexander’s reign provides the foundation for the problems Nicholas would face as emperor. While setting the stage for his readers, Lincoln makes several assumptions about the influences of Nicholas’ youth that he cannot support with hard facts. Lincoln’s assumptions are evidenced by his use of words and phrases like “perhaps”, “probably” and “must have”. In making these assumptions, Lincoln draws upon what appear to be logical conclusions, but nevertheless, the assumptions detract from the author’s credibility in Nicholas’ childhood. Later, however, Lincoln shows the breadth of his knowledge and research by supporting his claims with primary sources. Although the author utilizes more secondary sources than primary, he uses the primary sources extensively, providing many direct quotes from the diaries and personal correspondence of Nicholas, his advisors and other world leaders.

After setting the stage for Nicholas’ reign, Lincoln begins a chronological history of the Czar as the supreme ruler and autocrat of all of Russia by explaining the different views of Nicholas I and his predecessor, Alexander I. According to Lincoln, Alexander I saw Russia as a part of Europe and brought European ideas to Russia in hopes of modernizing the mother country. Nicholas, on the other hand, saw Russia separate from Europe and attempted to isolate Russia from the revolutionary ideas of the west. This, according to Lincoln was both the strength and weakness of the “Nicholas System”. By pulling back from Alexander’s European policies and isolating Russia, Lincoln claims that Nicholas strengthened the identity of Russia and led to the birth of Russia’s golden age, particularly in literature and the arts. Russia’s strong identity carried over into government and created an age of Russian noble standing in the world. This view contrasts sharply with the oppressive viewpoints portrayed by other Russian historians. Lincoln acknowledges Nicholas’ reign was oppressive but prefers highlight the positive rather than the negative.

Lincoln also validates Russia’s isolation as a weakness stating Russia had few allies during Nicholas’ reign and was often misunderstood by the European powers because of Nicholas’ isolationist policies. Britain, for instance, believed that Russia wanted to destroy the Ottoman Empire and claim additional territory for the vast empire, despite continued denials of such plans from Nicholas.

Nicholas’ desire to preserve the weak Ottoman Empire is a major point through Lincoln’s account. Lincoln uses this point to illustrate not only the difficulties Nicholas faced, but also the kind of man Nicholas was. To illustrate the difficulties faced by Nicholas, Lincoln presents an example by which Nicholas kept ruinous thoughts to himself and projected an agreeable demeanor in negotiations (page 147). According to Lincoln, Nicholas understood the importance of agreement over personal ideals. Nicholas also understood the importance of keeping peace, for Russia and for Europe. Nicholas’ accommodations in negotiations support Lincoln’s portrayal of Nicholas as a charming individual and brilliant politician. More importantly, however, is Lincoln’s depiction of Nicholas as a candid, straightforward, man of integrity who believed in his divine right to rule Russia. According to the author, Nicholas’ belief in the divine right made him a humble, responsible father of the Russia people who was always tried to do what was right by Russia. The author further portrays Nicholas as being responsible for the transgressions of the Russian people.

Although, Lincoln claims Nicholas was a brilliant politician, he provides a much different view of Nicholas the statesman. Lincoln acknowledges that many of Russia’s problems existed prior to Nicholas’ ascension to the throne, but he squarely places much of the blame for Russia’s failures during the early to mid 19th century on Nicholas’ shoulders. First, Lincoln claims that Nicholas was poorly educated because of the Czar’s interest in military training over learning, despite his mothers continued efforts to remove him from the military’s influence. Nicholas’s military background would not serve him well in the administration of the state as witnessed by the large bureaucracy created under the “Nicholas System.” Lincoln implies that Nicholas may have suffered from some sort of obsessive-compulsive disorder in that Nicholas had to know every minute detail of everything that occurred within Russia. Nicholas preferred the hands on approach to the day-to-day operations of the state, often, according to Lincoln, going unannounced into various regions to see Russia’s internal problems first hand. Nicholas, however, did not know the true Russia, despite these trips and a prolonged tour of the empire before the death of Alexander I. Lincoln implies this was the result of the Russian people’s love for their father and not wanting him to see them suffer. Few Russians blamed Nicholas because they believed if he were truly aware of their predicament, he would change it. Instead, the Russian people blame the government bureaucracy under Nicholas, which he had inadvertently, but ironically, created. A large bureaucracy was required to investigate the minute details Nicholas felt he needed to know, which the author asserts was the result of Nicholas’ fear of revolution. Quite possibly, this fear derived from the Decembrist Revolution that opened Nicholas’s reign. The bureaucracy was filled with military personnel due to Nicholas’ friends and closest advisors all being military men. According to Lincoln, these military trained government officials lacked the general understanding of civil service. Lincoln claims that, unlike Nicholas himself, Nicholas’ advisors feared being candid and open with the emperor. Lincoln states that Nicholas’ advisors spoke mostly of what Nicholas wanted to hear and smoothed over the real issues facing Russia. This supports Lincolns claim that the Russian people did not believe Nicholas knew the true condition of their suffering. Filling the bureaucracy with military generals and officers supports Lincoln’s claim that Nicholas desired military discipline in ruling the homeland, even if he had no desire for foreign wars, colonization, or territorial gains.

With a background of military training and a government of military officers, one would think that Nicholas served as an able commander of the Russian forces. Lincoln dispels this myth in his portrayal of Nicholas. Although Russia would eventually force the Ottoman Empire into opening the Straits of the Dardanelles and Bosporus to Russian shipping, Lincoln depicts Nicholas’ command at the beginning of the war as a failure. Furthermore, the author claims that behind the parade-perfect façade, the army was ill trained and ill equipped. Lincoln states that the army spent too much time, energy and resources on appearing disciplined and not enough time on actual training. He continues by implying that the strength behind Russia’s army was the military’s shear numbers.

The chronology of Nicholas’ reign lead Lincoln’s final chapters to be the most important. Although the European revolutions barely reached Russia and its provinces in1848, Lincoln treats this year as the turning point in Nicholas’ reign and the beginning of the collapse of the “Nicholas System”. The author claims that Nicholas became even more oppressive in his attempts to prevent western revolutions from spreading to Russia and illustrates how the increasingly arbitrary, oppressive, and secretive nature of the “Nicholas System” eventually oppressed even Nicholas himself. According to the author, Nicholas’ system and its administration and enforcement took a heavy toll on the emperor, diminishing Nicholas’ strength and contributing to his early aging. The author continues by charging the “Nicholas System” with being responsible for its own collapse.

Lincoln’s Nicholas I: Emperor and Autocrat of All the Russias is an easy to read biography that minimally analyzes the reign of Nicholas I critically. Lincoln provides a well-documented bibliography, but chooses to go against conventional history and portray the Nicholas I in a somewhat sympathetic and more positive light. This book is a good source for an undergraduate study of Russian history and Czar Nicholas I, but it is recommended with reservation by this reviewer.

Tuesday, December 9, 2008

Colonial America Quiz

For today's post, I thought I would offer my blog readers a short quiz about Colonial America. Answers will appear at the bootom of the quiz.

1. How long was the Stamp Act in force?

A) One month
B) One year
C) Two years
D) it was never in force

2. The Georgia colony was founded by which proprietor?

A) Roger Williams
B) William Penn
C) James Oglethorpe
D) William Berkeley

3. The first successful British settlement in North America at Jamestown was under the direction of which company?

A) The London Virginia Company
B) The Plymouth Company
C) The Jamestown Company
D) The Roanoke Company

4. Which colony was a haven for Catholics?

A) Rhode Island
B) North Carolina
C) Massachusetts
D) Maryland

5. The Seven Years War was better known in America as what?

A) King Philip's War
B) The Yamassee War
C) The French & Indian War
D) The Piquot War

6. When did Salem conduct its famous witch trials?

A) 1709
B) 1692
C) 1676
D) 1715

7. What does the name Pocahontas mean?

A) Little wanton
B) Free as a bird
C) Angel from above
D) Terror in the night

8. Queen Anne's War was fought during which years?

A) 1689-1697
B) 1744-1748
C) 1718-1725
D) 1702-1714

9. New Amsterdam eventually became which American city?

A) Hartford, CT
B) Providence, RI
C) New York, NY
D) Boston, MA

10. Charleston, South Carolina was founded in what year?

A) 1645
B) 1680
C) 1701
D) 1667

Answers
1. B, 2. C, 3. A, 4. D, 5. C, 6. B, 7. A, 8. D, 9. C, 10. B

Tuesday, December 2, 2008

Public History

In an earlier post, I defined history as not just a study of or presentation of the past, but a search for the truth of the political, economical, and social contexts of the past. “Public History”, therefore, is a search for the truth of the political, economical, and social contexts of the past in a public forum. In addition to search for the truth, historians have to be accurate in their assessment and interpretation of the past. Thus, good public history should try to illustrate all sides of a historical event or issue. The Smithsonian Institute is a good example of public history. It embodies the principles of academia by validating its research with accurate sources and presents its findings to the public in a factual, yet easily understood manner. These characteristics make the Smithsonian Institute one of the best examples of public history.

Because history originates in events, policies, and records that are public, public input is a necessity. However, it may not always be practical for THE (author’s emphasis for clarity) public to provide input into history. Input from the general public may be best in conveying oral or local histories; however, their contributions must still be validated by professional historians to ensure the accuracy of the truth in the final presentation.

In reality, the real world makes it difficult to achieve ideal public history. Two historians researching the same event or issue can, and likely will, come to two completely different conclusions. Each historical researcher has his or her own opinion and interpretation. Additionally, in the United States society is driven by financial profit. History generates little financial profits. Government priorities and responsibilities limit the availability of public funding. Public history must then turn to private funding. Private funds can influence the research or the interpretation of the researcher’s findings.

According to many scholars, academia falls outside of the scope of public history. This writer disagrees. Academia functions within the context of the public. Many professional historians employed in the field of academia are also public employees. Their work is carried out as a result of public funding and public resources. Even those employed in private academic settings contribute to public history. The public forum is the research findings they have compiled. Academic historians may be intent on producing history for others academic historians, but their findings will eventually become public. As Joseph Skeen, a student at West Virginia University, noted in his History 412 blog discussion, public history would not exist without the research of academia.

If public history is the search for truth of the political, economical, and social contexts of the past in a public forum, then is public history not an alias for history? This is the idea behind Ronald J. Grele’s statement, “From its earliest times, the study of history has been a public act…” (1) Since most history originates with public events, issues, and records and finishes with a presentation to the public in some manner, most history is public history. And if most history is public history, then what is “private history”. W. Andrew Achenbaum noted that even corporate historians practice public history. This writer disagrees. Not all records or proceedings of a corporation are public, nor were they ever intended to be public. This is true even if the corporation is publicly traded or a publicly owned entity. Corporations act on behalf of their owners and shareholders as a private entity. Corporate historians, therefore, are not necessarily practicing public history. They practice public history only if their research leads them to publish their findings publicly. The same holds true for individuals and family. Birth certificates, marriage licenses, and death certificates are all public records. These personal and private events took place under the public eye, with public knowledge and public approval. But diaries and personal letters are private. These records then become private histories of the individual or family. Unless the individual or family is a public official or in the public spotlight, these personal histories based on diaries, letters and other private records should remain private.

1. Grele, Ronald J. “Whose Public? Whose History? What is the Goal of a Public Historian?” The Public Historian Vol. 3, No. 4 (1981) p.41.